A single desire can destroy many families

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Devi Mahatmya is narrated by Rishi Markandeya. The disturbing

factor in every individual's life is broken down in three

categories: mala or dirt, vikshepa or commotion and aavran or

veil. Mala is like dirt on a mirror. Dirt has to be rubbed

off with great effort. Vikshepa is like clouds covering the

sun. These clouds could gather forces, and destroy

everything. A single desire can destroy many families and

generations. Uncontrollable desires which enter the mind can

lead to disastrous consequences. Vikshepa has to be destroyed

from the root.

In the first section of the Devi Mahatmya, two demons fight

Shakti; they are Madhu and Kaitabha, who come out of the dirt

of Vishnu's ear. They personify lust and anger, spite and

praise - they come in pairs. Lust and anger are companions

and so are spite and praise. One gives rise to another. They

are gates to hell, warns Krishna in the Gita and so does Sri

Rama in the Ramcharitmanas. The next category is Vikshepa,

symbolised by Mahishasura and Raktabija Vikshepa is pramaad

or sloth and ichcha or desire.

The mind is sluggish like a buffalo which can lie in water

for hours on end. Desires are similarly endless Mahishasura

is the slothful buffalo and Raktabija is the mind with

endless desires. Drops of blood from Raktabija get

transformed into thousands of demons. When one is killed

another crops up just like desires that give rise to millions

of desires. If you cut off one or two desires, others come up

because the root is still there. Kali elongated her tongue

and enveloped the earth with it so that million demons walked

over it and she then sucked in all of them.

My life is an open book

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"When I filed my nomination papers for legislative council
election in 2008, my total assets were worth Rs 8 crore and
liabilities stood at Rs 2 crore. That includes my car and
ancestral property. Since then, there has been no change in
the assets and liabilities," Gadkari told TOI.
The IAC website claimed that Gadkari has "five power-
producing industries and three sugar industries in
Maharashtra". "In a short span, Gadkari has built a huge
business empire, with more than 15 companies in (several)
sectors, including construction, sugar, distillery, power,
coal, agro, etc," the website read.
But Gadkari said the cooperative sugar factories, power
plants and the Purti Group of companies he took over were
debt-ridden. "I am not an office-bearer of any of these
organizations. Despite huge losses, I took over them for the
cause of farmers," Gadkari said.
The BJP president added that he had "never indulged in
corrupt practices". "My life is an open book."
He further alleged that in the same village Vadra's companies
purchased around 74 acres of land. Out of total eight land
deals executed in 2008 and 2009 in the village, in seven
cases land prices were shown to be paid at Rs 2 lakh per acre
or even less, Chautala alleged, adding that while the
collector rate was much higher at Rs 8 lakh per acre.
Gadkari's businesses
Purti Group: The flagship business promoted by Gadkari, with
him as CMD. It has stakes in power, agriculture, solar
energy, ferromanganese and real estate. Gadkari calls it a
'social entrepreneurship venture'. Its power plant is coming
up near the controversial 100 acres of land Kejriwal spoke
about. Purti Group also forayed into retailing without
success. It is engaged in contract farming of sugarcane and
acquired a couple of sugar cooperatives run by Congress and
NCP leaders. They make fuel with baggage.

Most importantly

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When McCain finally decided to embark on an '08 campaign, he once again turned to Weaver to helm it. But Weaver had no intention of replaying McCain's 2000 bid. Although he had taken McCain's defeat harder than perhaps any other McCainiac--actually becoming a Democrat for a time--Weaver believed that the road to victory lay in following the Bush model. It was almost as if the lesson he took away from the defeat was, if you can't beat them, join them. He set out to construct a front-runner's campaign like Bush's in 2004 and hired top talent from that effort. Steve Schmidt, who directed Bush's rapid-response operation, was brought on as communications chief, and Mark McKinnon, who'd been Bush's media man, was tapped to cut spots. Most importantly, Weaver hired Terry Nelson, Bush '04's political director, to serve as campaign manager--Davis's old gig.
But there was one personnel decision that Weaver didn't control. McCain named Davis the campaign's CEO, or chief money-raiser; rather than cast Davis out, McCain offered him a consolation prize. His Solomonic decision backfired: Weaver and Davis's animosity proved too deep, and the McCain campaign soon reverted to tribalism. One problem was that Davis still wasn't content to be a mere fund-raiser. As Weaver and Nelson worked from the top-down Bush playbook, Davis pushed for a radically decentralized campaign, with regional offices around the country--going so far, at one point, as to line up space in Beverly Hills and Manhattan before Weaver and Nelson quashed the idea. But the bigger problem was that the factionalism created a situation in which the people raising the money (who reported to Davis) didn't communicate with the people spending it (who reported to Weaver), and the campaign soon faced a cash crunch, as inputs didn't keep pace with outputs. "Whoever heard of setting up a system where the strategic and political arms are so separate from the finance arm that they don't know how much money they're raising and can't be told?" asks one Republican strategist. "And that's the system McCain set up, because he didn't want anyone to get their feelings hurt."